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DR Congo unrest: Rwanda ‘recruiting for M23 rebels’

31 Jul

31 July 2013

The M23 denies receiving weapons from Rwanda

Four Rwandans have told the BBC the army forcibly recruited them to fight for the M23 rebel group in neighbouring eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

The four said they were seeking asylum in Uganda after fleeing the fighting.

The Rwandan army dismissed their claim, saying they must have made up their stories to get asylum.

Last week, the US called on Rwanda to stop backing the M23. UN experts and DR Congo officials say Rwanda has been sending troops to support the rebels.

‘Kagame implicated’

Some 800,000 people have been displaced in resource-rich eastern DR Congo since the M23 launched its rebellion in April 2012.

Like Rwanda’s leadership, the group mostly comes from the Tutsi community.

But Rwanda denies backing the rebels.

The UN has given residents of the main city in eastern DR Congo, Goma, until 1400 GMT on Thursday to disarm, warning force will be used if they fail to do so.

A new 3,000-strong UN intervention brigade is in the area to tackle various rebels, including the M23.

The four deserters, who included a man who described himself a captain in the Rwandan army, spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity.

He deserted after seeing many innocent people die, the man said.

He described Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame as the commander-in-chief of the M23.

“Whatever he says has to be done,” he said.

Mr Kagame has repeatedly denied backing the rebels.

Another deserter, who described himself as a medical student, told the BBC he was “kidnapped” by soldiers in the border town of Gisenyi in August 2012, and taken across the border where he treated more than 300 fellow recruits wounded in fighting.

“They took them to the frontline before finishing their training,” he said.

Rwandan military spokesman Joseph Nzabamwita said he could only comment if the BBC divulged the names of their sources, adding the men must have manufactured the stories to claim asylum.

Source: BBC

RWANDA: THE LEAST CORRUPT NATION IN THE WORLD, OR THE MOST TACTFUL CITIZENS FOR SURVIVAL?

18 Jul

By David Himbara, July 12, 2013

When Seremani Mukundabantu asked me to comment on how and why Rwanda is painted to be corruption-free in the latest Transparency International’s (TI)2013 Global Corruption Barometer (GCB), I initially thought it would be a waste of time. But on second thoughts, I am glad Seremani asked. On deeper analysis of GCB, I find it may indicate survival instincts among Rwandans as opposed to absence of corruption – something I wish to share here.

The main reason why I was not initially keen on analysing GCB is that I find these kinds of reports to be simplistic in their definition of corruption. They concentrate on such things as bribing to access public service for example in the judiciary, police, registry/licencing, education and health sectors. I call this type of corruption “routine.”

But by concentrating on “routine” corruption, the most devastating forms of corruption are left out, including what I may term high-level and systemic institutional corruption that give advantage to ruling elites. Some of the practices used in the systemic institutional corruption do not readily appear to be “illegal” but they have immoral and disastrous impact on societies especially in poor countries. An example in Rwanda is the widespread practices where the RPF government awards tenders and contracts to RPF companies; where the RPF government rents luxurious executive jets from an RPF firm to transport the president; where Rwandan social security funds finance RPF company-formations. Such widespread or high-level systemic malpractices that are embedded in national institutions rather than individual corruption do not feature in Transparency International and its Global Corruption Barometer (GCB).

WHAT 2013 GLOBAL CORRUPTION BAROMETER CLAIMS ABOUT CORRUPTION IN RWANDA COMPARED TO OTHER COUNTRIES

The 2013 Global Corruption Barometer is based on its survey that involved 114,000 people in 107 countries, including Rwanda.

But here is what is most revealing. The 2013 Global Corruption Barometer is unlike previous Transparency International’s corruption index. While the corruption index relied on expert analysis, the 2013 Global Corruption Barometer relies on opinions from the general public on corruption. In other words, the 2013 Global Corruption Barometer does not pretend to be “scientific” but a collection of opinions of 114,000 people in 107 countries, including Rwanda. In Rwanda face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,000 people for this exercise.
The findings in Rwanda are amazing and amusing. One of the questions the respondents had to answer was:

* “To what extent do you see the following categories to be affected by corruption in your country? Please answer on a scale from 1 to 5, where 1 means ‘not at all corrupt’ and 5 means ‘extremely corrupt.'” http://www.transparency.org/gcb2013

A. Political parties
B. Parliament/legislature
C. Military
D. NGOs
E. Media
F. Religious bodies
G. Business/private sector
H. Education system
I. Judiciary
J. Medical/health services
K. Police
L. Public officials/civil servants

Here are the Rwandan averages for each category:

A. Political parties: 1.2
B. Parliament/legislature: 1.2
C. Military: 1.1
D. NGOs: 1.6
E. Media: 1.3
F. Religious bodies: 1.3
G. Business/private sector: 1.7
H. Education system: 1.4
I. Judiciary: 2.0
J. Medical/health services: 1.3
K. Police: 2.1
L. Public officials/civil servants: 1.7

Let us look at the case of Canada, Germany and Switzerland for a comparison with Rwanda.

Here are the Canadian averages for each category:

A. Political parties: 3.8
B. Parliament/legislature: 3.4
C. Military: 2.6
D. NGOs: 2.7
E. Media: 3.2
F. Religious bodies: 3.0
G. Business/private sector: 3.4
H. Education system: 2.7
I. Judiciary: 2.8
J. Medical/health services: 2.7
K. Police: 2.9
L. Public officials/civil servants: 3.2

Here are the German averages for each category:

A. Political parties: 3.8
B. Parliament/legislature: 3.4
C. Military: 2.9
D. NGOs: 3.0
E. Media: 3.6
F. Religious bodies: 3.1
G. Business/private sector: 3.7
H. Education system: 2.7
I. Judiciary: 2.6
J. Medical/health services: 3.4
K. Police: 2.7
L. Public officials/civil servants: 3.4

Here are the Swiss averages for each category:

A. Political parties: 3.3
B. Parliament/legislature: 2.8
C. Military: 2.6
D. NGOs: 2.5
E. Media: 3.1
F. Religious bodies: 2.7
G. Business/private sector: 3.1
H. Education system: 2.7
I. Judiciary: 2.2
J. Medical/health services: 2.6
K. Police: 2.3
L. Public officials/civil servants: 2.7

What is the meaning of all this? According to the 1,000 Rwandans interviewed for the 2013 Global Corruption Barometer, there is almost no corruption in Rwanda. When we compare Rwandan to Canadian, German and Swiss public opinions, therefore, Rwanda is heaven on earth. Canada, Germany and Switzerland are way too corrupt when compared to squeaky-clean Rwanda!

RWANDA: THE LEAST CORRUPT NATION IN THE WORLD, OR TACTFUL CITIZENS?

If you believe the above Rwandan public opinion, you need urgent medical help. Get real!

If for example you are in Rwanda today, and you are asked to give an opinion on the levels of corruption in political parties, unless you are suicidal, you will not dare touch such issue. Who would dare discuss openly the fact that RPF owns the largest chunk of the Rwandan economy based on insider information where the RPF government routinely contracts RPF firms in the broad daylight? In any event, what other political parties are there in Rwanda, except those run by RPF stooges?

Which sane Rwanda would dare to frankly discuss corruption in the military?

Which sane Rwandan would have the nerve to give the interviewer the true picture of Rwandan Public officials and civil servants in terms of corruption or delivery?

Rwandans know they live in “the North Korea of the thousand hills” and therefore have developed tactics to survive day-to-day state repression and domination. The citizens tell the regime what it wants to hear. Likewise, Rwandans will share flattering comments about how great and clean the regime is with any visitor who wishes to listen. Yes indeed, Rwandans will tactfully say anything to live another day. And that is exactly what the results of the global corruption barometer tell us – how Rwandans survive an iron-fisted regime.

Source: David Himbara

Rwanda complains to U.N. about new Congo brigade

15 Jul

By Louis Charbonneau

UNITED NATIONS | Mon Jul 15, 2013 11:02am EDT

(Reuters) – Rwanda is accusing the United Nations’ new intervention brigade in eastern Congo of discussing collaboration with Hutu rebels linked to the Rwandan genocide of 1994, thereby jeopardizing regional peace efforts.

In a letter to U.S. Ambassador Rosemary DiCarlo in her role as this month’s president of the U.N. Security Council that was released on Monday, Rwandan U.N. Ambassador Eugene-Richard Gasana said MONUSCO intervention brigade commanders have met with FDLR rebels, the remnants of Hutu killers who carried out the 1994 genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda.

U.N. peacekeeping troops have been in mineral-rich eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo for more than a decade. The world body’s MONUSCO force there is currently 17,000 strong, the largest force of U.N. peacekeeping troops in the world.

The complex conflict has dragged on, killing millions of people through violence, famine and disease since the 1990s. That has led the United Nations to create a new “intervention brigade” – part of the MONUSCO force but assigned the task of not merely peacekeeping but taking active steps to neutralize rebel groups.

The force, comprised of troops from South Africa and Tanzania as well as soldiers from Malawi due in Congo later this month or in August, has already begun patrolling and is approaching full strength.

“Rwanda has credible, reliable and detailed information that various forms of tactical and strategic collaboration with the FDLR were discussed during those meetings,” Gasana said in the letter.

“Their actions, implicating senior United Nations commanders picking sides among the very armed groups whose military activities they are meant to deter, are of serious concern,” he wrote.

Gasana also supported an allegation contained in the latest report by the U.N. Group of Experts that units of the Congolese army (FARDC) have been cooperating with the FDLR.

‘GRATUITOUS ACCUSATIONS’

The Congolese government disputed Gasana’s claims.

“These are allegations which are not backed up by any proof,” Congolese government spokesman Lambert Mende told a news conference in Kinshasa. “Rwanda is making gratuitous accusations to justify the attacks they are carrying out at the moment.”

Mende said Rwanda is supporting the M23 rebels who clashed with the Congolese army at Mutaho on Sunday. Fighting continued on Monday.

Gasana said FARDC-FDLR collaboration often occurs with the knowledge – or even support – of MONUSCO intervention brigade contingents.

“We have reliable information that indicates several instances of FDLR units or commanders being integrated in FARDC commando units near the border with Rwanda,” the Rwandan envoy said. “In some instances, certain Force Intervention Brigade commanders are aware and supportive of such instances.”

The Group of Experts, which monitors compliance with U.N. sanctions for Congo, also said in its interim report that M23 rebels in Congo continue to recruit fighters in neighboring Rwanda with the aid of sympathetic Rwandan military officers. Rwanda has denied the group’s allegations, accusing it of bias.

Gasana said that “there are increased patterns of large quantities of weapons and ammunition being delivered to FDLR by FARDC officers, which have taken place with the knowledge and support of (MONUSCO) Force Intervention Brigade commanders.”

“The above-mentioned activities and patterns are developments that my government takes seriously, as they constitute a serious threat to the security of my country but also put into question the credibility of MONUSCO and its peacekeeping operations,” he said.

Gasana added that “any hidden agenda driven by political and/or economic interests” would undermine the push for peace in the region.

The U.N. peacekeeping department declined to comment.

Separately, the head of U.N. peacekeeping, Herve Ladsous, told Reuters on Sunday in an interview in Paris that MONUSCO will soon have unarmed surveillance drones to monitor developments on the ground in eastern Congo.

(Additional reporting by Bienvenu-Marie Bakumanya in Kinshasa; Editing by Will Dunham)

Source: Reuters Africa

Paul Kagame: I asked America to kill Congo rebel leader with drone

19 May

Sunday 19 May 2013

In an exclusive interview with Chris McGreal in Kigali, Rwanda’s president denies backing an accused Congolese war criminal and says challenge to senior US official proves his innocence

M23 rebels train in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

A new M23 recruit demonstrates his martial arts skills in the Democratic Republic of the Congo last week. Rwanda denies aiding them. Photograph: James Akena/Reuters

Rwanda‘s president, Paul Kagame, has rejected accusations from Washington that he was supporting a rebel leader and accused war criminal in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by challenging a senior US official to send a drone to kill the wanted man.

In an interview with the Observer Magazine, Kagame said that on a visit to Washington in March he came under pressure from the US assistant secretary of state for Africa, Johnnie Carson, to arrest Bosco Ntaganda, leader of the M23 rebels, who was wanted by the international criminal court (ICC). The US administration was increasing pressure on Kagame following a UN report claiming to have uncovered evidence showing that the Rwandan military provided weapons and other support to Ntaganda, whose forces briefly seized control of the region’s main city, Goma.

“I told him: ‘Assistant secretary of state, you support [the UN peacekeeping force] in the Congo. Such a big force, so much money. Have you failed to use that force to arrest whoever you want to arrest in Congo? Now you are turning to me, you are turning to Rwanda?'” he said. “I said that, since you are used to sending drones and gunning people down, why don’t you send a drone and get rid of him and stop this nonsense? And he just laughed. I told him: ‘I’m serious’.”

Kagame said that, after he returned to Rwanda, Carson kept up the pressure with a letter demanding that he act against Ntaganda. Days later, the M23 leader appeared at the US embassy in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, saying that he wanted to surrender to the ICC. He was transferred to The Hague. The Rwandan leadership denies any prior knowledge of Ntaganda’s decision to hand himself over. It suggests he was facing a rebellion within M23 and feared for his safety.

But Kagame’s confrontation with Carson reflects how much relationships with even close allies have deteriorated over allegations that Rwanda continues to play a part in the bloodletting in Congo. The US and Britain, Rwanda’s largest bilateral aid donors, withheld financial assistance, as did the EU, prompting accusations of betrayal by Rwandan officials. The political impact added impetus to a government campaign to condition the population to become more self-reliant.

Kagame is angered by the moves and criticisms of his human rights record in Rwanda, including allegations that he blocks opponents by misusing laws banning hate speech to accuse them of promoting genocide and suppresses press criticism. The Rwandan president is also embittered that countries, led by the US and UK, that blocked intervention to stop the 1994 genocide, and France which sided with the Hutu extremist regime that led the killings, are now judging him on human rights.

“We don’t live our lives or we don’t deal with our affairs more from the dictates from outside than from the dictates of our own situation and conditions,” Kagame said. “The outside viewpoint, sometimes you don’t know what it is. It keeps changing. They tell you they want you to respect this or fight this and you are doing it and they say you’re not doing it the right way. They keep shifting goalposts and interpreting things about us or what we are doing to suit the moment.”

He is agitated about what he sees as Rwanda being held responsible for all the ills of Congo, when Kigali’s military intervention began in 1996 to clear out Hutu extremists using UN-funded refugee camps for raids to murder Tutsis. Kagame said that Rwanda was not responsible for the situation after decades of western colonisation and backing for the Mobutu dictatorship.

The Rwandan leader denies supporting M23 and said he has been falsely accused because Congo’s president, Joseph Kabila, needs someone to blame because his army cannot fight. “To defeat these fellows doesn’t take bravery because they don’t go to fight. They just hear bullets and are on the loose running anywhere, looting, raping and doing anything. That’s what happened,” he said.

“President Kabila and the government had made statements about how this issue is going to be contained. They had to look for an explanation for how they were being defeated. They said we are not fighting [Ntaganda], we’re actually fighting Rwanda.”

SOurce: The Guardian

 

Oxford University’s business school faces protests over visit by Rwanda president Paul Kagame

17 May

FRIDAY 17 MAY 2013

There are plans to present him with a student award despite continuing controversy over his regime’s human rights record

Oxford University’s prestigious business school has been dragged into a row over plans to present the president of Rwanda with a student award for his country’s economic development despite continuing controversy over his regime’s human rights record.

Paul Kagame, the one-time poster boy of development whose reputation has been dulled by accusations of authoritarianism and fomenting conflict in Congo, will be greeted by protesters when he attends the Said Business School tomorrow to give a keynote conference speech.

A coalition of campaigners, including Congolese refugees and a prominent Oxford academic, are  backing calls for the university to cancel the invitation, saying it amounts to a vote of confidence in Mr Kagame at a time when he is under pressure over human rights violations.

The clash is the latest controversy to surround the Rwandan leader, who last year saw Britain suspend £16m of direct budgetary support to his government over “credible” reports that it was supporting the M23 rebel group responsible for atrocities in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo.

The continuing dispute has done little to dent enthusiasm in financial and political circles for Rwanda’s continued economic growth, which will reach eight per cent this year. The country’s first ever sale of Eurobonds this month, securing $400m in funding for infrastructure and investment projects, was over-subscribed.

In a sign of thawing relations with Britain, which remains Rwanda’s largest single aid donor, the country’s foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, met the foreign secretary William Hague on Thursday as part of the visit to London by a sizable Rwandan delegation.

But critics said the decision by the Oxford Business Network for Africa, a student organisation within the business school, to make Mr Kagame the first recipient of its Distinction of Honour for African Growth risked tainting the university.

A petition calling on the student group and the business school to cancel the award had yesterday reached nearly 5,500 signatures. A counter-petition, applauding the award, had collected 2,300 signatures.

In a letter to the dean of the school, Professor Barbara Harrell-Bond, the founding director of the university’s respected Refugee Studies Centre, said: “Bestowing any honour upon Mr Kagame at a time when he and his government are becoming increasingly isolated in the face of mounting evidence of their gross human rights violations represents a serious error of judgment.

“It positions the conference organizers and the University of Oxford against international efforts to pressure Mr Kagame to end his abuses and play a more constructive role in the achievement of African peace and development.”

A spokesman for a coalition of Congolese and Rwandan opposition groups, including Liberation, a Congolese women’s rights group, added: “It would be a disgrace for any university of Oxford’s calibre to ignore all the information in the public domain about Kagame’s crimes both on his people and abroad, and roll out a red carpet for him.”

The business school, ranked in the top ten outside the United States, underlined that the award was the decision of the student group but said it was allowing today’s event to go ahead because of its commitment to freedom of speech.

In a statement, the school said: “We prize open discussion and … we have not sought to prevent the students from extending this invitation. President Kagame’s presence in the Saïd Business School does not imply any endorsement by the school or the university of his views or actions. We are aware that President Kagame is considered by some to be a controversial figure.”

The student group defended its award, saying it was “in recognition of [Mr Kagame’s] work in opening and developing Rwanda’s economy” and there would be an opportunity for those critical of his government to raise questions.

The Rwandan High Commission in London did not respond to requests from The Independent to comment on the criticisms of Mr Kagame, who will also attend a Rwanda Day celebration for hundreds of members of the Rwandan diaspora while in London.

Rwanda has strongly denied any involvement in M23 and condemned a United Nations report chronicling links between the group and senior members of the Rwandan military. Critics have also accused Mr Kagame of trampling on media and political freedoms, maintaining a hostile environment for opposition politicians.

The Independent revealed that Scotland Yard also served notices on two UK-based dissidents  in 2011 warning them of “reliable intelligence” that their lives were under threat from assassins sent by the Rwandan authorities.

Britain earlier this year reinstated aid to Rwanda after halting direct budgetary support to the country last November because of the activities of M23. The £16m will be distributed in the form of direct payments to impoverished Rwandans and textbooks for schoolchildren.

The Independent understands there are no immediate plans to reinstate direct aid payments to the Rwandan government.

Source: The Indepandant

Open letter against Kagame at the University of Oxford

15 May

Rising Continent

To Professor Peter Tufano, Dean of Said Business School at the University of Oxford

A letter dated May 7th signed by a number of political and civil society organizations of British citizens of Rwandan and Congolese origin was sent to the Dean of Said Business School at the University of Oxford to oppose that school hosting the Rwandan president Paul Kagame.

Signatories of the letter include representatives of these organisations and political parties:

High Council Resistence of Congolese
International Congolese Rights
Liberation – Congolese Women’s Group
Organising for Africa
Rwanda National Congress
United Democratic Front – Inkingi

In order to read the full content of the letter, please click here.

View original post 248 more words

Controversy over visit of Rwandan President

9 May

09/05/2013

By News Team

Unease has been expressed concerning g a scheduled visit of Rwandan president Paul Kagame to the Säid Business School, in light of numerous allegations accusing him of human rights violations.

Mr Kagame is due to arrive in Oxford on Friday 18thMay, when he will deliver a keynote address in the Oxford Africa Business Conference as well as being awarded the inaugural Distinction of Honour for African Growth Award.

The decision to give Mr Kagame this award in light the recent allegations has been questioned by a number of academics and students, who have started a campaign calling for the Säid Business School to cancel their engagement with him.

The Oxford Africa Business Conference is a student led organization and the decision to award Kagame the honour was taken by students of the Business School.

Salvator Cusimano, an M.Sc candidate in Refugee studies and leader of the campaign against Mr Kagame’s visit, commented: “As it stands, the University will appear to condone Mr. Kagame’s actions at a time when even the governments of the United States and the UK – Rwanda’s staunchest allies – have distanced themselves from Mr. Kagame and his government.

“As members of the Oxford community, we have a responsibility to use our influence to reverse the Business School’s serious error of judgment.

“We have a unique opportunity to promote human rights and defend our University’s reputation, and we must act. “

The campaign has sent a letter to the Dean of the Business School, the Vice-Chancellor of the University as well as the head of the African Studies Centre detailing why the visit should be cancelled, and has started an e-petition which has received over 260 signatures in its first 24 hours.

The Säid Business School has commented “We prize open discussion and in line with the University’s Freedom of Speech policy the students have invited President Kagame to speak and there will be the opportunity for those present to challenge him as appropriate.

“We are aware that President Kagame is a controversial figure and his presence here implies no endorsement of his views or actions. We have taken the view that it’s appropriate to ask him to address any issues that are put to him from a platform in Oxford.”

The controversy surrounding Kagame stems from the accusation that he has silenced opposition politicians and journalists support for rebels in DMC including the paramilitary M23 movement, and illegal exploitation of Congolese resources.

Dominic Burridge, a DPhil Candidate from Oriel College, commented: “The proposal from the Säid Business School to give a Distinction of Honor for African Growth Award to Paul Kagame cannot fall under the criticism of endorsing human rights violations per se because it is making an economic assessment only.

“In this way, the decision errs on the side of a greater tragedy. It is a categorical statement that, in Africa, economics should matter more than society and ethics, and that those who have been accused of brutalising regions through natural resource greed should be decorated as economic leaders.”

The conference website has ignored the controversies surrounding Kagame, and instead focused on some of the successes of his presidency, including the reconciliation after the Rwandan genocide and relatively strong growth in GDP.

As a result they have feted that Kagame’s presidency has “set Rwanda on its current course towards reconciliation, nation building and socioeconomic development.”

A letter delivered to the Säid Business School the campaign has argued: “Mr. Kagame’s Rwanda bears several disturbing similarities to Rwanda under the genocidal government.

“Reconciliation appears superficial: despite a law prohibiting speech with ethnic content – known as genocide ideology – the ethnic tensions that fuelled genocide in 1994 seem alive beneath the surface.”

Amongst the supporters of the campaign are a number of academics and students.  One academic said that is “concerning” that the conference organisers  have invited Kagame to the Säid Business School given the ongoing dispute concerning his human rights record in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide.

Mr Kagame took office in 2000, after spending six years as Vice President in the years immediately after the Rwandan genocide, before winning democratic elections for the presidency in 2003 and 2010.

Source: The Oxford Student

Link

2012 Human Rights Reports: Rwanda

29 Apr

2012 Human Rights Reports: Rwanda

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Rwanda is a constitutional republic dominated by a strong presidency. The ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) leads a coalition that includes six smaller parties. In August 2010 voters elected President Paul Kagame to a second seven-year term with 93 percent of the vote. Three other registered political parties participated in elections. Senate elections took place in September 2011, with RPF candidates winning the majority of seats by wide margins. International observers reported the senate elections met generally recognized standards of free and fair elections in most respects but noted concerns regarding the independence of voters’ decisions. State security forces (SSF) generally reported to civilian authorities, although there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control.

The most important human rights problems in the country remained the government’s targeting of journalists, political opponents, and human rights advocates for harassment, arrest, and abuse; disregard for the rule of law among security forces and the judiciary; restrictions on civil liberties; and support of rebel groups in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Other major human rights problems included arbitrary or unlawful killings, both within the country and abroad; disappearances; torture; harsh conditions in prisons and detention centers; arbitrary arrest; prolonged pretrial detention; executive interference in the judiciary; and government infringement on citizens’ privacy rights. The government restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and to a lesser extent, religion. Security for refugees and asylum seekers was inadequate. Corruption was a problem, and the government restricted and harassed local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Violence and discrimination against women and children occurred, including the recruitment by the M23 armed group of Rwandan and refugee minors as child soldiers. There was a small but growing incidence of trafficking in persons. Discrimination and occasional violence against persons with disabilities and the Twa minority occurred. The government restricted labor rights, and forced labor, including by children, and child labor were problems.

The government generally took steps to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security services or elsewhere, but impunity involving civilian officials and SSF was a problem.

During the year the government provided material, logistical, and strategic support to the M23 armed group in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which committed summary executions and forcibly recruited adults and minors. The government strongly denied providing any support to the M23. SSF remained complicit in the illegal smuggling of conflict minerals from the DRC.

For More, Please Read here

Pourquoi j’ai commémoré le 06 avril ?/ KUKI NAGIYE KWIBUKA UWA 06 MATA?

19 Apr

Vérité, Mémoire, Justice et prévention

Pourquoi j’ai commémoré le 06 avril ?

Parce que je considère que le 06/04/1994 restera à jamais tristement mémorable dans les annales de l’histoire politique du Rwanda ;

Parce que je suis intimement convaincu que l’attentat du 06/04/1994, en emportant les Présidents Juvénal Habyarimana du Rwanda et son homologue Cyprien Ntaryamira du Burundi sans épargner tout l’équipage de l’avion qui les transportait, aura déclenché des événements qui ont tout chamboulé dans ma propre vie et dans celles des millions d’autres tant au Rwanda que dans la région voire dans le monde entier.

Bien que je refuse obstinément toute démarche qui tenterait de justifier ou d’atténuer, par quelque procédé que ce soit, l’extermination des Tutsi du Rwanda, une « solution » annoncée, relayée par les médias et fièrement revendiquée par des autorités de l’Etat rwandais qui sont allés jusqu’à l’assimiler à une œuvre patriotique ;

J’estime cependant, en mon âme et conscience, qu’il serait malhonnête et injuste d’ignorer ou de minimiser, pour quelque motif que ce soit, les victimes Hutu massacrées par les mêmes hordes d’assassins que celles dont la besogne essentielle était de purifier le Rwanda des ennemis et leurs complices tels qu’on désignait les Tutsi en général et des Hutu opposants réels ou supposés au régime d’alors.

Je me suis rendu le soir du 07 avril 2006 au Palais de justice où se déroulait la cérémonie de commémoration du génocide des Tutsi organisée par l’Association Ibuka. Je n’y ai pourtant passé qu’une petite demi-heure, le temps d’écouter deux allocutions prononcées avec une émotion palpable face aux centaines de bougies allumées par les rescapés venus nombreux pour l’occasion comme chaque année à la même date et au même lieu. Une toute petite demi-heure, le temps de me faire agresser verbalement par un employé de l’ambassade du Rwanda mon pays, visiblement choqué par ma présence, la veille, au Mémorial du génocide rwandais érigé dans la Commune de Woluwé saint Pierre, où étaient venus se recueillir, dans le calme et la discipline, 150 compatriotes presque tous Hutu, à l’initiative des associations rwandaises COSAR et CLIR.

« Comment peux-tu oser venir ici commémorer le génocide des Tutsi alors que tu étais hier à Woluwé Saint Pierre aux côtés des Bahutu? » me dit mon « agresseur » du jour non sans un brin d’énervement. Et un vieil ami journaliste de s’interposer aussitôt, histoire de calmer les esprits. Mais j’avais eu le temps de répliquer faisant remarquer à mon interlocuteur qu’à Kigali, les choses se passaient sans heurts. « Allez-vous protester contre le fait qu’après avoir joyeusement partagé un plat de maïs, Kagame, Rucagu, Bazivamo, Mukezamfura, Gatsinzi(j’aurais pu en citer davantage), soient assis côte à côte pour commémorer le génocide de 1994 ?». Je n’ai pas eu de réponse à ma question. Nous nous sommes donc séparés sur un score nul !

De quel crédit pourrait-on jouir quand, concomitamment, on prétend sceller la « réconciliation » à Kigali tout en semant la zizanie et la discorde dans les rangs de la diaspora rwandaise disséminée en Afrique, en Europe et en Amérique ?

Par quelle magie le Gouvernement FPR se consacrerait-il à l’unité tout en poussant ses ambassadeurs à entretenir ou à alimenter la division ? Serait-ce la fameuse vieille devise du « diviser pour régner » ? La diaspora rwandaise devrait pouvoir compter, dans pareilles circonstances, sur ses propres unificateurs.

Allons-nous ériger au Rwanda un Hutuland et un Tutsiland et dresser un mur de fer entre les deux composantes d’une même Nation fondée sur le même patrimoine linguistique et culturel ? Comment arriver à distinguer ces « homelands » respectifs quand ils n’existent que dans l’imagination florissante et débordante de certains esprits diversement qualifiables?

Quand nous n’agissons pas en Caen, nous imitons Ponce Pilate !

Face au drame national, les Rwandais savent se défiler. Avec une facilité désarmante, nous nous prêtons trop souvent au jeu de la malice qui frise légèreté et irresponsabilité.

Le régime de Juvénal Habyarimana ayant été dominé par une clique originaire du Nord, les Bakiga seraient donc responsables de toute la tragédie et devraient, seuls, et en tant que tels, en supporter toutes les conséquences ! C’est ce que tente d’accréditer dans l’opinion certains compatriotes selon lesquels, les autres Hutu n’auraient rien à se reprocher.

Les rebelles Tutsi du FPR ayant attaqué le pays en octobre 1990 et très probablement exécuté l’attentat du 06/04/1994, ils doivent assumer tout ce qui a suivi, estiment les autres, dans une ultime tentative de disculper les Gouvernements Hutu de leurs écrasantes responsabilités.

Le Rwanda ayant été colonisé par la Belgique dont l’influence se fera, peu à peu, supplanter par celle de la France, les Rwandais n’y seraient pour rien, ce sont les blancs qui ont tout fomenté ! N’oublions pas ceux qui réduisent ce drame à un coup monté par la domination anglo-saxonne.

Dans une telle perspective, tous seraient « innocents » et personne ne serait finalement « coupable ».

« Innocentes » ces autorités nationales, préfectorales, communales et autres hommes et femmes des médias qui, dans le but d’optimaliser le « travail », auront massivement mobilisé la population en l’incitant à commettre des crimes.

« Inoffensifs » ces militaires et ces gendarmes qui, au lieu de repousser l’armée d’en face, préférèrent participer à la « solution finale » quand ils n’y furent pas plus ou moins contraints.

« Enfants de chœur » ces rebelles du FPR qui, pour accélérer leur marche vers la victoire, et, dans une volonté freinée de domination, n’hésitèrent pas à mitrailler et à bombarder des camps où se concentraient des milliers de civils sans armes.

Seule serait finalement responsable cette Communauté internationale dont, jusqu’au bout, les deux belligérants se disputeront les faveurs. En tête de peloton et particulièrement coupable, cette « méchante » France qui, en pleine guerre et alors que le génocide est presque consommé, conçut et monta une mission militaro humanitaire, la fameuse opération « Turquoise » qui aurait pu empêcher et qui, en tout cas, gêna ou retarda la victoire des ex-rebelles !

C’est pourquoi face à tant de victimes, il y a en définitive, ce qui est paradoxal, si peu de regrets. Kofi Annan pour l’ONU, Madeleine Albright et Bill Clinton pour les Etats-Unis, Louis Michel et Guy Verhofstadt pour la Belgique… Reste cette France si « fière » à laquelle Kagame reprocha vivement sa véhémence.

Pour le reste et c’est pour moi l’essentiel, on attend toujours le repentir des deux principaux belligérants. Coté des « vaincus », l’ex-Premier Ministre Jean Kambanda, jugé et condamné par le TPIR, aurait exprimé ses regrets avant de se raviser, arguant que ceux-ci lui auraient été extorqués dans des conditions « illégales » et par des méthodes contestables. Côté des « vainqueurs » par contre, aucun repentir de la part du FPR et de son Chef qui se posent plutôt en victimes et revendiquent avec arrogance d’avoir arrêté le génocide. Ce qui, au regard de la réalité, semble absolument surréaliste.

Ca doit se savoir !

J’ai remarqué tant à Woluwé Saint Pierre qu’au Palais de justice, des enfants de 12 ans ou parfois moins. Des jeunes de 15 à 25 ans ou plus, visages perplexes reflétant une incompréhension au bord de la révolte. Je les ai observés et cela m’a donné à réfléchir.

Quel héritage politique, dans les conditions actuelles, entendrions-nous léguer à ces jeunes générations et à celles de demain ? Comment peut-on persévérer dans ces politiques irresponsables et criminelles qui figent ou poussent des personnes voire des pans entiers de la société dans des positions dangereuses ? De manière diverse, bien que parfois maladroitement, les Rwandais, toutes catégories confondues, réclament de plus en plus un espace de dialogue. C’est qu’ils se sentent à l’étroit dans ces catégories imposées et convenues sans que personne n’ait cru nécessaire de recueillir leur avis. Ils étouffent sous cette chape de plomb sous laquelle ploie un peuple privé de parole et de liberté. Ils aspirent à la discussion et au débat. Ils veulent savoir et comprendre ce qui leur est arrivé.

Puis-je réitérer une seule proposition au Président de la République ? Je pense qu’il est temps d’ouvrir les yeux et les oreilles afin d’entendre la clameur du peuple. Ce peuple tant manipulé, brisé et meurtri et sur lequel une classe politique irresponsable tente aujourd’hui de se décharger notamment à travers les « gacaca », cet instrument au service de l’Etat FPR par lequel il croit, impunément, imposer une justice à sens unique. Ce peuple veut désormais vivre et vivre libre.

Je suggère au Président qui, le temps d’une campagne électorale, assimila le Rwanda à sa propre maison, d’en concéder à son peuple au moins un compartiment dans lequel celui-ci pourrait se retrouver et se réconcilier avec lui-même et avec sa tragique histoire.

Avec mes amis du Partenariat-Intwari, j’ai constamment plaidé pour des solutions pacifiques au conflit intra rwandais dont les répercussions régionales ont déjà coûté plusieurs millions de vies humaines tant au Rwanda qu’en République démocratique du Congo. Tout en restant attaché au règlement pacifique des conflits, je tiens aujourd’hui à dire à Paul Kagame que s’il devrait persister dans son attitude méprisante et autiste par rapport aux doléances de son peuple, celui-ci n’aurait alors d’autre choix que d’investir toute la maison au lieu de se contenter d’un simple compartiment.

Car en toute honnêteté,

Si exiger que la lumière soit faite sur l’attentat du 06/04/1994 ;

Si s’interroger à haute voix sur les auteurs de cet attentat en leur déniant toute prétention de réconcilier le peuple rwandais ;

Si se remémorer cet attentat comme l’événement qui fit basculer le Rwanda et la région des Grands Lacs dans une tragédie indicible ;

Si penser que la mémoire des victimes Tutsi du génocide ne peut exclure celle de leurs compatriotes Hutu broyés par la même machine à tuer ainsi que les milliers de Hutu innocents victimes des massacres encore non qualifiés de l’ex-rébellion du FPR ;

Si revenir sur les massacres perpétrés contre les réfugiés rwandais dont des femmes et des enfants en ex-Zaïre, Hutu dans leur majorité, et exiger que justice soit rendue ;

Si estimer que dans la tragédie rwandaise et régionale les responsabilités sont largement partagées ;

Si refuser de céder au simplisme criminel qui tente cyniquement d’enfermer le peuple rwandais en deux camps absolument inconciliables à savoir celui des méchants(Hutu) et celui des bons(Tutsi) ;

Si rejeter fermement ce schéma grotesque qui voudrait que seuls les Hutu qui acceptent de faire allégeance au FPR obtiennent la grâce d’être blanchis quand ceux qui rompent avec lui ou qui refusent d’y adhérer sont automatiquement assimilés aux « interahamwe » et aux « génocidaires » ;

Si considérer que le Général Major Paul Kagame est un autocrate dangereux et soupçonné de pires crimes de guerre ;

Si contester un ordre établi car injuste et inique ;

Si sans distinction, tous ceux et celles qui osent bousculer ces schémas convenus doivent être inculpés de négationnisme ou de révisionnisme du génocide de 1994, alors je devrais l’être et j’assumerai.

J’assume totalement mon geste que je dédie à la mémoire de tous les innocents, de quelque bord qu’ils soient qui, sans haine ni rancune, ont péri injustement de la folie meurtrière de leurs semblables. Une folie encouragée et encadrée par un Etat indigne de ce nom, et par des belligérants qui tous, dans leurs choix politiques, tactiques et stratégiques, auront dramatiquement dépassé les bornes. Une folie face à laquelle, lâche et démissionnaire, cette même Communauté internationale semble aujourd’hui chercher à imposer aux Rwandais la dictature des vainqueurs, feignant d’ignorer qu’aucun armistice crédible ne fut signé dans la guerre du Rwanda.

Je dédie ce geste à tous ceux et celles qui, parmi nos concitoyens ou parmi les amis sincères du Rwanda, se battent pour l’émergence dans ce pays dévasté, d’une fraternité nouvelle, une société plus juste et plus tolérante. Je pense particulièrement ici au Col Luc Marchal dont la présence à la cérémonie du 06/04 aura suscité tant de réactions de condamnation dans les médias. Cet homme est l’une des personnalités victimes de leur obstination à exiger l’éclatement de toute la vérité au sujet du génocide de 1994. Plaise au ciel que le débat belgo belge sur ce génocide ne compromette définitivement l’avènement de la vérité!

Ce geste, je le dédie à ces millions de rwandaises et de rwandais qui, nés de mariages entre Hutu et Tutsi, ne savent plus à quels saints se vouer dans cette histoire de fous dont nous semblons tous des otages.

Je le dédie à nos compatriotes Batwa, eux aussi frappés de plein fouet par la tragédie nationale mais dont la faiblesse numérique et peu d’ambitions politiques consacrent l’isolement voire l’exclusion de la société.

J’en appelle enfin à la conscience de tous pour qu’on se garde de politiser les souffrances indescriptibles subies ou infligées par nos concitoyens. Malgré la guerre, le génocide et tous les autres crimes abominables qui l’ont accompagné, les Rwandais sont condamnés à vivre ensemble, pour le meilleur et pour le pire. N’en déplaise à ceux qui, sans doute dans une tentative d’échapper à ce dilemme insoutenable consécutif à l’innommable, prétendent se débarrasser de leur terre natale par des procédés les uns plus ridicules que les autres.

Entre temps, sur les collines du Rwanda, les humbles paysans de notre pays nous donnent une cinglante leçon de vie, marquée de courage, de patience et de patriotisme. Ces veuves et ces orphelins qui, démunis, trouvent encore des ressources de discuter de l’organisation de leur vie au village et de l’avenir de leurs enfants. Ces jeunes, désoeuvrés et sans la moindre certitude pour leur avenir qui, envers et contre tout, persévèrent en espérant des lendemains qui chantent. Ces vieilles personnes complètement abandonnées qui, dans un élan de sagesse, s’efforcent de laisser aux jeunes générations une image moins pessimiste de la vie.

Mais que se passe-t-il donc dans la classe politique rwandaise et chez nos chères élites? Que concocte-t-on au sein de la société civile rwandaise? Devrait-on se réjouir de ce que le corps militaire, l’administration politique et le monde universitaire soient ni plus ni moins que des foules organisées ? Peut-on s’accommoder de partis politiques irresponsables qui ne feraient que rivaliser de zèle clientéliste auprès du parti Etat ? Que faire en face d’une certaine opposition qui, sans préciser ses objectifs et sans présenter la moindre alternative au régime en place, s’accroche au futile exercice de la dénonciation, allant jusqu’à user de l’injure et de l’invective moins à l’endroit de ses adversaires naturels que contre d’autres opposants traités de « traîtres » ?

Je m’incline respectueusement, encore une fois, en mémoire de toutes les victimes innocentes de la tragédie rwandaise et régionale. Et j’invite tous mes compatriotes à prendre garde de ne pas succomber à la dangereuse tentation du repli communautariste voire nationaliste afin qu’ensemble, nous reconstruisions une Nation pacifique et prospère, et qu’au-delà, nous puissions contribuer, de façon déterminante, au redressement de l’Afrique.

Puissions-nous, dans les jours, les mois et les années qui viennent, nous unir davantage pour un Hommage authentiquement national qui soit à la hauteur de l’honneur, de la dignité et de la reconnaissance que nous devons à toutes les victimes innocentes.

Déo Mushayidi
08/04/2006

KUKI NAGIYE KWIBUKA UWA 06 MATA?

Kubera ko nzirikana ukuntu itariki ya 06 mata 1994 idateze kuzibagirana bibaho mu mateka ya politiki y’u Rwanda ;

Kubera ko nemera ndashidikanya ko igikorwa cy’ububisha cyo kuwa 06/04/1994, mu guhitana ba Perezida Yuvenali Habyarimana w’u Rwanda na mugenzi we w’u Burundi Sipiriyani Ntaryamira kitaretse n’abandi bose bari kumwe mu ndege, cyakomye imbarutso y’amahano yateje impinduka mu buzima bwanjye bwite no mu bw’abandi bantu benshi babarirwa mu ma miliyoni haba mu Rwanda cyangwa mu karere ndetse no ku isi hose ;

Nubwo namagana bidasubirwaho umugambi wose waba ugamije gusobanura cyangwa koroshya, mu buryo ubwo ari bwo bwose, itsembabatutsi mu Rwanda, « umuti » wari watangajwe, ukamamazwa mu binyamakuru ndetse bamwe mu bategetsi ba Leta bakawogezanya ishema ryinshi bakagera n’aho bawita igikorwa kigaragaza gukunda igihugu ;

Nyamara ndahamya, mu mutimanama wanjye, ko byaba ari ubuhemu n’akarengane, kwirengagiza cyangwa gupfobya, mu buryo ubwo ari bwo bwose, abahutu b’inzirakarengane na bo batikijwe na ya migirigiri y’abicanyi yari ishinzwe « akazi » ko gukiza u Rwanda abanzi n’ibyitso byabo nk’uko bitaga abatutsi muri rusange n’abahutu batavugaga rumwe n’ubutegetsi bw’icyo gihe cyangwa se bafatwaga gutyo.

Ku mugoroba wo kuwa 07 mata 2006 nagiye mu muhango wo kwibuka itsembabatutsi wari wateguwe na Ibuka kuri « Palais de justice » i Buruseli. Nahamaze igice cy’isaha gusa, igihe cyo gutega amatwi abantu babiri bavuze amagambo yarangwaga n’agahinda n’igishyika cyinshi bijyanye n’uwo munsi, hagati y’ama « bougies » menshi cyane y’abarokotse bari baje ari benshi muri uwo muhango nk’uko bisanzwe bigenda buri mwaka kuri iyo tariki n’aho hantu.

Muri icyo gice cy’isaha ariko, nasagariwe n’umukozi wa Ambasade y’u Rwanda mu Bubiligi wagaragazaga ko yarakajwe cyane no kuba kuwa 06/04/2006 nari nagiye mu muhango wabereye mu bwitonzi n’umutuzo, imbere y’urwibutso rwa genocide rwandais rwubatswe muri Komine ya Woluwe Saint-Pierre, wari ugamije kwibuka inzirakarengane zose zatikijwe kuva kuwa 06/04/1994 ukaba wari wateguwe n’abanyarwanda biganjemo abahutu bibumbiye mu mashyirahamwe COSAR na CLIR.

Maze nyakunsagarira wavuganaga umujinya mwinshi ati : « Ni gute ushobora gutinyuka ukaza hano kwibuka genocide y’abatutsi n’ukuntu ejo wari wagiye Woluwe Saint-Pierre kwifatanya n’abahutu ? Nuko umunyamakuru w’inshuti yanjye twari kumwe aba atwitambitse hagati adusaba kugabanya amashagaga. Ariko nari narangije gusubiza nyakumbaza mwereka ko i Kigali ibintu nk’ibyo bikorwa nta kibazo kihabaye. Nti « Ese ubu muzigaragambya murwanye ukuntu Kagame, Rucagu, Bazivamo, Mukezamfura, Gatsinzi(nashoboraga no kongeraho abandi), nyuma yo gusangira ibigori, bajyana kwibuka genocide yo muri 1994 ? ». Nta gisubizo nabonye ku kibazo cyanjye. Twatandukanye rero ari ubusa ku busa !

Rubanda yakugirira ikihe cyizere mu gihe wemeza ko uharanira ubwiyunge mu banyarwanda baba mu Rwanda kandi ukagaruka ugakwiza amazimwe n’amacakubiri mu banyarwanda bo hanze, haba muri Afrika, mu Burayi no muri Amerika ?

Ni ubuhe bufindo FPR yaba ikoresha mu guharanira ubumwe mu gihe igaruka igakoresha ba ambasaderi bayo kubiba amacakubiri ? Yaba se ari ya ntego ya « mbateranye nkunde mbategeke » ? Bibaye ari ibyo, n’abanyarwanda bo hanze bagombye kwisunga ababo bunzi.

Ubu se tugiye guca u Rwanda mo kabiri, igipande cy’abahutu n’ikindi cy’abatutsi hanyuma twubake n’urukuta rw’umutamenwa rutandukanya ibipande byombi kandi bisangiye umurage umwe w’ururimi n’umuco? Ibyo bipande twazajya tumenya tubitandukanya dute ko mu by’ukuri nta bibaho usibye gusa muri bamwe barangwa n’inganzo ntindi kandi zinyuranye?

Iyo tutitwaye nka Gahini, twigana Ponsiyo Pilato!
Imbere y’amahano yadusenyeye igihugu, abanyarwanda bakunze kurangwa no kwigira nyoni nyinshi. Usanga bitworoheye cyane gukoresha amayeri n’uburyarya birangwa no gukina mu bikomeye no kudaha inshingano zacu agaciro zikwiye.

Kubera ko ubutegetsi bwa Yuvenali Habyarimana bwari bushingiye ku gatsiko k’abantu baturukaga mu majyaruguru y’u Rwanda, abakiga bagombye kuba ari bo babazwa iby’amarorerwa yose kandi na none bakaba ari na bo bonyine bahamwa n’ingaruka zayo!

Ibyo ni byo bamwe mu bavandimwe bacu b’abanyarwanda bagerageza gukwiza hose, basa n’abasobanura ko abandi bahutu nta cyo bagombye kubazwa.

Kuba inyeshyamba z’abatutsi zarateye igihugu mu kwakira 1990 kandi bikaba bishoboka cyane ko ari na zo zasohoje umugambi mubisha kuwa 06/04/1994, ni zo zagombye kubazwa ibyakurikiyeho byose! Ibyo bikavugwa n’abandi mu rwego rwo kugerageza gukingira ikibaba za Leta mputu ku ruhare rwazo ruremereye zagize mu mahano yo mu Rwanda.

Kubera ko u Rwanda rwakoronijwe n’Ububiligi n’ubwo bwagiye busimburwa n’Ubufaransa, byose byabazwa abazungu kuko ari bo babikoze! Hakaba rero n’abemeza ko twazize umutego watezwe na ba gashakabuhake b’abongereza bafatanije n’abanyamerika.

Ukurikije ibyo, bose baba ari “abere” bityo rero hakaba hatagombye kubaho umuntu n’umwe ukurikiranwaho icyaha!

Babaye “abere” ba bategetsi bose bo ku nzego z’Igihugu, iza Perefegitura, Komini n’izindi zose kimwe n’abandi nka ba bagabo n’abagore bo mu itangazamakuru batahwemye guhamagarira abaturage “umurimo” babashishikariza ubwicanyi!

Bazabe “abere” ba basirikare n’abajandarume bahisemo gufatanya n’abandi “gukora” aho guhangana n’umwanzi barwanaga!

Bazabe barabaye “abana b’umutima” za nyeshyamba za FPR zahisemo “kusonga mbele” zigamije intsinzi ya gisirikare maze mu irari ryazo rikabije ryo gutegeka, ntizitinye gusuka ibisasu bikomeye ku nkambi zabaga zisendereye ibihumbi n’ibihumbi by’abaturage batagira intwaro!

Mbese ubwo nyirabayazana yaba Umuryango mpuzamahanga dore ko impande zombi nk’uko zari zihanganye zitigeze zihwema na gato kurushanwa amacenga zirwanira icyizere cy’ayo mahanga. Ku isonga rero hakaba “ubutindi” bw’Ubufaransa bwahengereye urugamba rugeze mu mahina kandi genocide iri hafi kurangira bukiha kwiterera mu bitabureba bwitwaje icyiswe “opération Turquoise” yashoboraga kuburizamo, kubangamira cyangwa se igakerereza intsinzi y’inyeshyamba za FPR nk’uko byagenze!

Ni yo mpamvu biteye impungenge ukuntu imbere y’inzirakarengane zitabarika, abagaragaza “kwicuza” imyitwarire yabo muri biriya bihe bakomeje kuba mbarwa. Na none habayeho Kofi Annan wasabye imbabazi mu kimbo cya Loni(ONU), hataho Madeleine Albright na Bill Clinton mu izina rya Leta zunze ubumwe za Amerika, haza ndetse na Louis Michel na Guy Verhofstadt mu izina ry’Ububiligi… Hakaba rero hasigaye bwa Bufaransa “bwirata” nk’uko Kagame yabwiyamye.

Nyamara ariko, kandi jye mbona ari byo byihutirwa, turacyategereje ko za mpande zombi zari zihanganye zakwicuza zigasaba imbabazi. Ku ruhande rw’”abatsinzwe”, Kambanda Yohani wahoze ari Minisitiri w’intebe wa Guverinoma y’abatabazi, akaba yarakatiwe n’urukiko mpuzamahanga ku Rwanda rukorera Arusha muri Tanzaniya, yaba yarigeze “kwicuza” ariko ngo yaje kwisubiraho avuga ko ibyo yari yemeye yari yabihatiwe kandi ngo hakoreshejwe uburyo bunyuranye n’amategeko. Naho ku ruhande rw’”abatsinze”, nta kwicuza na mba FPR n’umukuru wayo Pawulo Kagame bari bagaragaza, dore ko ahubwo bahora bigamba bakivuga imyato ngo bahagaritse genocide. Nyamara washyira mu gaciro, ugasanga bitangaje kandi nta shingiro bifite ahubwo ari agashinyaguro.

Bigombe bimenyekane!
Haba Woluwe Saint-Pierre(06/04/06), haba no kuri Palais de justice(07/04/06), nahabonye abana bafite imyaka nka 12 cyangwa ndetse munsi yayo. Mpabona urubyiruko rw’abasore n’inkumi bari hagati y’imyaka 15 na 25 cyangwa se irengaho. Mu maso yabo harangwaga ubwijime no kudasobanukirwa kandi ukabona basa n’abari hafi kwigaragambya. Narabitegereje bituma nibaza byinshi.

Muri ibi bihe bikomeye turimo, ni uwuhe murage wa politiki tuzasigira urwo rubyiruko rw’ubu n’urw’ejo hazaza ? Mbese ni kuki twakomeza za politiki mbisha zishingiye ku kubiba amacakubiri mu banyarwanda, bamwe ndetse tukabaha akato tugamije kubavutsa amahirwe yo kujya inama n’abandi ngo ejo batavaho bahindura imyumvire yabo ? Mu buryo bunyuranye, n’ubwo rimwe na rimwe hari abatandukira, muri rusange abanyarwanda bo mu ngeri zose bahagurukiye gusaba urubuga rw’ibiganiro byaguye bakunze kwita « rukokoma ». Barabiterwa ahanini no kubura ubwisanzure kubera ukuntu babayeho, n’uburyo bategetswe batagishijwe inama. Barabiterwa no kubura ubuhumekero kubera ukuntu batsikamiwe n’ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bubanigana ijambo bukababuza kwishyira bakizana. Barifuza gusangira ijambo no kujya impaka, bagashaka kumenya no gusobanukirwa amahano bahuye na yo.

Hari inama imwe nifuzaga kugira Perezida wa Repubulika. Ndatekereza ko igihe cyari kigeze ngo afungure amaso n’amatwi maze yiyumvire isahinda ya rubanda. Iyo rubanda yakomeje kugirwa igikoresho, bakayigaraguza agati, ari ko bayitikiza uko bashatse n’igihe bashakiye, none abanyapolitiki badashyira mu gaciro bakaba bayisiganya bitwaje za gacaca, igikoresho cya Leta ya FPR yibwira ko izakomeza, nta shiti, guca imanza zibogamye kandi zibasira uruhande rumwe rw’abanyarwanda. Iyo rubanda yarambiwe agasuzuguro ikaba ishaka kubaho mu mutuzo yishyira ikizana.

Ndagira inama Perezida watinyutse, mu gihe yiyamazaga muri 2003, kugereranya u Rwanda n’inzu yiyubakiye, nkaba namusaba kureba uko yafatamo nibura icyumba kimwe akagiha rubanda kugira ngo abaturage babone urubuga rwo kwicaramo, gucoceramo ibibazo no kubishakira ibisubizo, bityo bafumbire ubwiyunge buhamye kandi burambye nyuma y’amarorerwa yaranze amateka y’igihugu.

Mfatanije na bagenzi banjye muri Partenariat-Intwari, twaharaniye iteka ko ubushyamirane burangwa mu banyarwanda bukaba bwaradukiriye n’abaturanyi nka Kongo bwakemurwa mu nzira z’amahoro. Nubwo nkomeje kwemera inzira z’imishyikirano mu gucyemura amakimbirane, ndifuza kumenyesha Pawulo Kagame ko mu gihe yaba akomeje izima rye rirangwa n’agasuzuguro ndetse no kwirengagiza ibyifuzo bya rubanda, nta kundi byagenda uretse ko aho kumusaba icyumba, iyo rubanda izahagurukira rimwe ikigarurira « inzu » yose.

Kubera ko mu by’ukuri :

Niba guharanira ko ukuri ku ihanurwa ry’indege ryo kuwa 06/04/1994 gushyirwa ahabona;

Niba gutinyuka kwibaza ku mugaragaro abakoze icyo gikorwa cy’ububisha badakwiye guhirahira ngo bibwire ko bashobora kunga abanyarwanda;

Niba kwibuka ubwo bubisha nk’igikorwa cyaroshye igihugu n’akarere kose mu marorerwa atagira urugero;

Niba kwiyumvisha ko kwibuka no guha icyubahiro inzirakarengane z’abatutsi zazize genocide bitagombye kwibagiza abavandimwe babo b’abahutu batikiriye hamwe kimwe n’ibihumbi by’abahutu bazize ubwicanyi butari bwahabwa inyito bwakozwe na FPR;

Niba gushyira mu majwi no gusaba ubutabera ku itikizwa ry’impunzi z’abanyarwanda zabaga muri Kongo barimo abagore n’abana kandi bakaba bari biganje mo abahutu;

Niba guhamya ko impande zinyuranye zagiye zigira uruhare rutandukanye mu mahano yoretse u Rwanda n’akarere;

Niba kubangamira umugambi mubisha wo kurema mu banyarwanda ibipande bibiri bizahora bihanganye ubuziraherezo, maze “ababi” bakaba abahutu naho ”abeza” bakaba abatutsi;

Niba kwerura ukarwanya uwo mupango w’amacakubiri wifuza ko abahutu bemeye kuyoboka FPR bahindurwa “abere” naho abayivuyemo cyangwa abanze kuyiyoboka bagahindurwa “interahamwe” cyangwa se “abajenosideri”(génocidaires);

Niba gufata Géneral Major Pawulo Kagame nk’umunyagitugu ukoresha iterabwoba kandi ucyekwaho ibyaha bikomeye by’intambara;

Niba kwamagana ubutegetsi buriho kubera ko burenganya kandi bugahemuka;

Niba buri muntu wese utinyutse kunenga no kurwanya ubwo buryo bwose budahwitse agomba kuregwa “guhakana”(nier) no “guhindura”(réviser) génocide yo muri 1994, ubwo nanjye nagombye gukurikiranwa kandi mbaye mbyemeye hakiri kare.

Igikorwa cyanjye ndakiyemeje kandi ngituye inzirakarengane zose aho ziva zikagera, zatashye nta rwango nta n’inzigo ku mutima, zikaba zarazize ubugome n’ubwicanyi butagira uko buvugwa bw’abavandimwe babo bari basangiye igihugu. Ubugome n’ubwicanyi byatewe inkunga kandi bikayoborwa n’ingirwa leta kimwe n’impande zombi zarwanaga, buri rwose mu ngamba zarwo rukaba rwaragiye rufata ibyemezo byaje gutuma n’amazi arenga inkombe. Ubugome n’ubwicanyi bwareberewe n’Umuryango mpuzamahanga wahabaye ikigwari none ukaba usa n’ugerageza gutsindira abanyarwanda ubutegetsi bw’igitugu n’iterabwoba by’abatsinze, wiyibagije ko nta masezerano nyakuri yo kurangiza intambara yigeze asinywa hagati y’ibipande byombi by’ingabo.

Icyo gikorwa cyanjye ngituye abanyarwanda bose n’nshuti z’u Rwanda zitarangwaho uburyarya, baharanira ko mu Rwanda rworetswe n’amahano, hagaruka ubuvandimwe hagati y’abarutuye, igihugu kikarangwa n’ubutabera nyabwo no kwihanganirana.

Aha ndashaka kuvuga cyane cyane nka Colonel Luc Marchal(yayoboraga umutwe w’abasirikare b’ababiligi muri Minuar) umaze iminsi atotezwa mu binyamakuru azira ko yagaragaye mu muhango wo kwibuka wabaye kuwa 06/04/2006. Uwo mugabo ari mu bantu bazira ko biyemeje kurwana inkundura bagamije ko ukuri kose kuri genocide yo muri 1994 kwashyirwa ahagaragara. Imana iratube hafi kugira ngo impaka mbirigi ku kibazo cy’u Rwanda zitavaho zituvutsa burundu kumenya ukuri dukeneye.

Icyo gikorwa ngituye za miliyoni z’abanyarwanda n’abanyarwandakazi bakomoka ku mirongoranire hagati y’amoko yombi y’abahutu n’abatutsi, ubu bakaba barabuze amajyo kubera ukuntu ubushyamirane bw’ayo moko busa n’ibisazi bukaba bwaratwokamye ku buryo twahindutse nk’ingwate.

Icyo gikorwa kandi ngituye n’abavandimwe bacu b’abatwa, kuko na bo amahano yo mu Rwanda yabasigiye ibisare nubwo kuba ari bake cyane kandi bakaba batagaragaza kenshi inyota y’ubutegetsi bituma babaho nk’abahawe akato mu gihugu.

Nsabye buri wese n’umutimanama we ngo twirinde gukoresha agahinda n’ibyago by’abavandimwe nk’iturufu ya politiki. Nubwo habaye intambara, itsembabwoko n’andi marorerwa ateye ubwoba yariherekeje, nta kundi byagenda abanyarwanda bagomba kubana bagasangira akabisi n’agahiye. Kabone n’aho bamwe, mu kugerageza kwivana mu mutego w’ayo mahano yose, bagerageza kwitandukanya n’igihugu cyabo bakoresheje uburyo bunyuranye ariko bwose budahwitse.

Hagati aho, ku misozi babaho yo mu Rwanda, abahinzi n’aborozi bo mu gihugu cyacu ntibahwema kuduha isomo ry’ubuzima, rirangwa n’ubutwari, ubwihangane n’urukundo rw’igihugu. Abo bapfakazi n’imfubyi basigaye buri buri ariko bakabona intege zo kujya impaka mu rwego rw’imibereho y’abana babo. Urwo rubyiruko ruzonzwe n’ubushomeri kandi rukaba rutabona neza ejo hazaza uko hazaba hifashe ariko rugakomeza umurego rwizeye ko ibyiza biri imbere. Abo basaza n’abakecuru babaye impabe nyamara mu bwitonzi n’ubushishozi bidasanzwe, bakirinda gusigira abato umurage mubi wo kwiheba mu buzima.

Ariko se byifashe bite mu banyapolitiki b’abanyarwanda cyangwa mu ntiti zacu? Baraduteganyiriza iki mu mashyirahamwe anyuranye bakunze kwita société civile? Ubu se hari uwakwishimira kubona igisirikare, ubutegetsi bwa politiki na za kaminuza byarahindutse nk’ibivunge? Hari uwakwizera amashyaka adashyira mu gaciro ahubwo akaba arushanwa gutera ivi imbere ya Cyama ihatse Leta, iryo bakavuze bakarihakishwa? Tugire dute imbere y’imyitwarire ya bamwe mu batavuga rumwe na Guverinoma ya FPR, ntibagaragaze neza intego bafite, ahubwo bagahora banenganenga baterekana igishya bazanye, ndetse rimwe na rimwe bakanakoresha ibitutsi n’imvugo nyandagazi byibasira bagenzi babo bita “abagambanyi” kurusha abo bagahanganye.

Mu cyubahiro cyinshi, nongeye kunamira inzirakarengane zose zazize amahano yoretse u Rwanda n’akarere. Kandi nsabye abanyarwanda bose dusangiye igihugu ngo bitonde bo kugwa mu mutego w’ubwironde ubwo ari bwo bwose, maze twisanire igihugu tukigaruremo amahoro n’uburumbuke ndetse kizanagire uruhare rugaragara mu kuzahura no guteza Afrika imbere.

Ndifuza ko mu minsi, amezi n’imyaka biri imbere, twazarushaho kwifatanya maze tugaha Icyubahiro gishyitse kandi koko mu rwego rw’igihugu cyose, kijyanye n’agaciro, urukundo n’ishimwe bikwiye inzirakarengane zose.

Déo Mushayidi
08/04/2006

Source: http://mushayidi.populus.org

Ministerial meeting reviews timeline for solving Rwandan refugee situation

19 Apr

Briefing Notes, 19 April 2013

This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at the press briefing, on 19 April 2013, at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

African countries hosting large numbers of Rwandan refugees and Rwanda itself have reiterated their commitment to resolving the protracted Rwandan refugee situation in line with a Comprehensive Strategy that was announced by UNHCR in October 2009.

At a Ministerial meeting in Pretoria, delegations from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, the Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe reviewed progress in promoting the voluntary repatriation and reintegration of Rwandan refugees. Included in the discussion was extending the possibility of local integration or alternative legal status in the country of asylum, the key components of the Comprehensive Strategy.

The Strategy also provides for the cessation of refugee status for Rwandan refugees remaining in exile, and who fled their country before 31 December 1998.

The meeting was co-chaired by UNHCR’s Africa Bureau Director, George Okoth-Obbo and Volker Türk, the refugee agency’s Director of International Protection.

The first Ministerial meeting on the Strategy, in Geneva on 9 December 2011, had agreed with a recommendation for States to consider giving effect to the so-called cessation clauses of refugee status as of 30 June 2013. Cessation clauses are built into the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1969 Organization of African Unity Refugee Convention. They provide for refugee status to end once fundamental and durable changes have taken place in the country of origin and the circumstances that led to flight no longer exist.

The 1994 Rwanda genocide and its aftermath and armed clashes in northwestern Rwanda in 1997 and 1998 – the last time the country experienced generalized violence – produced more than 3.5 million Rwandan refugees.

Most have since returned to Rwanda, including recently, 12,000 mainly from Democratic Republic of Congo. An estimated 100,000 Rwandan refugees remain in exile.

Highlighting the different progress and the challenges which remain, Governments at the meeting unanimously reconfirmed their commitment to resolving this protracted refugee situation through, principally, stepping up efforts to promote repatriation which thus far has remained very limited. They also agreed to pursue feasible local integration opportunities, including facilitating for the refugees to attain alternative status in their countries of asylum including citizenship through naturalization.

With cessation of refugee status – the issue that attracted most debate – it became clear during the meeting that not all states were ready to invoke a general application of the cessation clauses by 30 June 2013 in line with the strategy recommendation.

Some States have been implementing steps towards applying the cessation clauses by end June or indicated that they are in a position to do so, and that they will continue to work towards that goal assuming necessary conditions are met.

Others underscored that for various legal, access, logistical, practical or other considerations, they are not in a position to apply the cessation clauses by the end of June, or will in any case not do so.

Others specified that for the time being they will concentrate on taking forward other components of the strategy, namely voluntary repatriation and local integration.

Whether in those cases in which one or more States move ahead with the invocation of the cessation clauses or continue to consider applying them, it is clear that this will be done on a “case by case” basis or by “differentiated” approach.

All States confirmed that before and after that time, they will continue to work to help those who want to repatriate. Those who opt to repatriate but can legally remain in their current countries of asylum through alternative legal status including naturalization, will also be helped.

Rwanda’s delegation outlined a number of steps it has taken and will continue to implement to support the respective solutions. These include issuing national passports for Rwandans who opt to stay in their current host countries.

For the past five years, UNHCR has been working to solve protracted refugee situations in Africa. Cessation of refugee status for Sierra Leonean refugees took place in 2008 and for Angolan and Liberian refugees on 30 June last year.

For further information on this topic, please contact:

  • In Nairobi (Regional), Kitty McKinsey on mobile +254 735 337 608
  • In Pretoria (Regional) Tina Ghelli on mobile +27 827 70 41 89
  • In Pretoria (on mission), Fatoumata Lejeune-Kaba on mobile +41 79 249 34 83

Source: UNHCR.ORG